The Kasbah Occupations in Tunisia – Revolutionizing Spatial Politics: Reclaim, Redefine, Transform

Despite beginning on December 17th in the impoverished interior, starting in Sidi Bouizid and quickly spreading through the south of the country, there was no coincidence that the two locations for the largest days of protest during the Tunisian Revolution took place along avenue Habib Bourgiba and later the Kasbah in the capital of Tunis. Set within a twenty minute walk on either side of the centuries old Medina in the heart of the city, these places have an important symbolic meaning for many Tunisians, exemplifying the hundred years of French colonization, the era of liberation, independence, dictatorship and more than 1300 years of Arab influence, history and culture. Into this context, the two months of continuous protests, sit ins and occupation that toppled three successive governments after the flight of Ben Ali were highly symbolic, engaging in a public space long dominated by fear and transforming them to represent ideas of democracy, dignity and a newly found freedom of expression.

This growing cry for dignity changed into a revolution for dignity on January 14th, the day that Ben Ali fled the country as 40,000 protesters crowded along the main street Habib Bourgiba, in front of the interior ministry, and stretching for blocks in either direction amid bursts of tear gas and intermittent gunshots. The thunderous chants of the now famous ‘degage’ are said to have been so loud, that in a phone call when the interior minister was asked by Ben Ali how many people had turned out for the demonstration, he merely held the phone to the window before hanging up. These protests occurred in a dynamic framework of instant communication and revolution, helping spread ideas, tactics, slogans and inspiration, transforming to incorporate movements spreading simultaneously through the Arab world, with the french term ‘degage’ becoming an international rallying point, even in English Arabic speaking countries like Egypt.

A week after the 14th of January, as the new government of Mohamed Ghannouchi was seated, the center of protests shifted to the Kasbah, the heart of political power in the country, where two separate occupations beginning on January 22nd, led to the reshuffling of the cabinet ministers before swelling to 40,000 on February 20th and an estimated 100,000 on the weekend of the 27th, leading to the resignation of the prime minister and the capitulation to all protesters demands for the abolishment of the former ruling party, transparent elections and the creation of a new constitution.

A Historic Context for Symbolic Revolution

Avenue Habib Bourgiba, the main thoroughfare of Tunis, where the labyrinthine alleys of the Medina mingle with the streets of the surrounding neighborhoods and pour onto the straight, broad avenue, has long been a street where cultures, symbols and icons clash. Running east to west, the street is nearly 200 feet wide, designed by the French throughout the 19th century to be the economic heart of the city, lined with a double row of Ficus trees, a broad median, banks, hotels, European styled Cafe’s and theaters, the large stone St. Paul Cathedral as well as the home of the feared Interior Ministry, responsible for much of the political surveillance and torture during the era of Ben Ali. It is often compared to the Champ-Elysees in Paris, with many important monuments located along the boulevard, including the municipal Theatre de Tunis and the French Embassy, from where the country was administered when still a protectorate. Sitting on the opposite edge of the Medina from Habib Bourgiba, about a 15 minute walk through narrow and winding cobblestone alleyways filled to bursting with stalls, vendors and markets spilling into the street, as well as some 700 monuments including Mosques, Mausoleums, Madrasas, Hammams and medieval Palaces, the Kasbah serves a similar purpose, to function as the political center of the country.

In Tunisia, the name Kasbah refers to the main fortress guarding a Medina where the local leader lived. Often it was a sign of the wealth and affluence of particular families or the region and was usually built astride the city’s walls, atop a strategic hillside, or positioned in a commanding corner to help defend the city when under attack. Though in Tunis the walls have long been removed and the old buildings razed, the once fortified compound covers more than 27 hectares, now a spacious plaza through which the colonial architectural legacy prominent from 1850-1950 can still be felt in the buildings of the nine ministries, including the Ministry of Finance, the Government Secretariat, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and home to the Dar el-Bey, a 15th century palace next to the Sidi Youssef Mosque that now houses the office of the Prime Minister surrounding a massive sculptural tribute to the unity to Tunisia, ringed by flags, fountains, flowers and palm trees.

The Kasbah I Occupation – A Liberation Caravan

On the night of January 22nd, a movement was underway. Hundreds of individuals from the impoverished interior from whence the revolution had begun, from Sidi Bouazid, the home of central revolutionary figure Mohamed Bouazizi and other neighboring regions such as Kasserine and Thala, the site of deadly sniper attacks that killed dozens, including women and children had begun to march. Logistical support was provided by the General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT), the countries largest labor union which had still refused to recognize the new government until all remnants of the RCD had been purged. For dozens of kilometers they walked as a show of defiance towards the new government and to remind the country that while the biggest changes had happened in the Capital of Tunis, their problems still had not been addressed. Those participating called it a ‘Caravan of Liberation’, spending their first night in the town of Regueb, 265km south of Tunis. Family members of those killed, ardent supporters and those wounded during the earlier uprisings marched for 50 kilometers before boarding several dozen buses destined for the Kasbah, there to join thousands of protesters on the second of three days of mourning for the more than 78 killed during the initial uprisings.

As the buses arrived, protesters were unloaded and surged through barbed wire that had been set up around the prime minister Mohamed Ghannouchi’s office and the other important ministries, defying a state of emergency that banned gatherings larger than three people and a night time curfew that had been in place since the overthrow of Ben Ali, stating that any out past 7pm could be arrested. The lingering restrictions were initially imposed by the military, which took responsibility for restoring order after Ben Ali fled, the 30,000 strong force repeatedly clashing with organized gangs of loyalists, members from the 100,000 strong interior security ministry forces and rogue police elements.

None of this stopped protestors not satisfied with Mohamed Ghannouchi’s half-hearted pledge to quit politics and government once free elections were held made on TV the night before. They arrived in time to demonstrate for the Saturday meeting between him and his ministers. Protesters were clear in their scorn: “Since 1990, Ghannouchi has been finance minister, then prime minister” said student Firass Hermassi outside Ghannouchi’s office. “He knows everything, he’s an accomplice.” Another banner read: “No place for men of tyranny in a unity government”. Others went further, “We want to tell Mr Ghannouchi the definition of ‘revolution’ — it means a radical change, not keeping on the same prime minister” [2].

The Red Arm of the Law

To voice their discontent, they were joined for the first time by thousands of police officers during the day, wearing red armbands in solidarity, and themselves demanding better working conditions. Some officers briefly blocked a car carrying interim president Foued Mebazaa, the previous speaker of parliament, but later allowed it to past. The protest marked a turning point in the Tunisian uprising, throughout which the police had been linked with Ben Ali loyalists, often firing on crowds indiscriminately, beating protesters with batons and shooting teargas and buckshot at even relatively small and peaceful gatherings. “We came out today because we want national reconciliation,” said a policeman who identified himself as Hatem. “Many people in the security forces were wrong… some ignorant people sullied our reputation … People know now [3]“. Police officers joined national guard members, firemen and street cleaners in Habib Bourgiba in central Tunis, distancing themselves from the government and policies of deposed president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.

Some protesters who gathered outside the prime minister’s office rejected what they said were police efforts to co-opt the revolt despite their role in suppressing them, especially by those family members of people killed in the uprising by security forces. Amin Kahli, also from the Sidi Bouzid region, said he was honouring the memory not only of Bouazizi but those killed when demonstrators took on Ben Ali’s armed police. “My brother was leaving home for work when a sniper shot him in the chest,” Kahli said. “He was only 21. I want justice for him and I want this government to fall.[4]“

On January 23rd, protesters quickly got to work organizing a round-the-clock sit-in to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi and the dissolution of the new government as they honored those who had died in the civil unrest in the past month. Protestors waved flags and held up pictures of some of the dozens of people killed by security forces during the uprising. Each weekend their number swelled as they were joined by large numbers of like-minded protesters. Mattresses were donated from the nearby neighborhoods and a system of food distribution established, with hundreds volunteering to donate bread and clothes. In front of the Prime Ministers office, the fountain was completely covered by tents, ropes hoisted tarps from the trees and soon every inch of available space was covered in scrawling – stencils, names, messages, artwork, posters and banners.

While the government had changed, the slogans remained the same, shouting many which had been broadcast across TV’s and social media on the day of January 14th such as “Down with the regime, down with the former party, down with the interim president and with the prime minister”. As part of their reclamation, banners were hung from nearby buildings while graffiti and flags covered the walls surrounding the square. Walls and the facade of Ghannouchi’s office were turned into a large mural where people could draw, paint or spray paint on sheets of paper or in colored ink. The wall displayed caricatures, political cartoons, a blown-up Facebook page that showed how to join the revolution online, and handwritten signs in Arabic, French, and English. One sign read, “Dear Our Government . . . Get Lost!” Another observed, “Revolutions Never Go Backwards.[1]”

“We are Marginalized”

The protests were not only political, but continued to demand a fair and equitable program to alleviate the intense poverty throughout the country. “We are marginalized. Our land is owned by the government. We have nothing,” said Mahfouzi Chouki from the interior about 200 miles south of Tunis. Another man, Ammar Khlaifi reiterated this sentiment “The south is marginalized. Sidi Bouzid, Gessrine, all the lands of the interior are marginalized… The wealth is all on the coast.[5]“

It was also about representation. “We came from Sidi Bouzid, from Kairouan, from Gefsa … to bring our voice to the capital,” said one man, Safi Adel. Protesters refused to let the revolution stop with the flight of Ben Ali and the government run by the same ministers already in power. “The people want this government to fall,” they chanted [5].

While the end of the weekend saw a quieting of political protests throughout the country, Monday saw about 500 protestors still camped in the Kasbah, with many teachers going on an indefinite strike for the first day that schools were supposed to reopen, with about a thousand or so more supporting the Kasbah occupiers throughout the day. Schools that did reopen observed a minute’s silence for those who had died in the lead up to January 14 but still police and members of the national guard cordoned off the hundreds still in the Kasbah square from around a thousand other supporters, swelling to several thousand by midday and used tear gas to try and disperse members of the sit in, but the protests continued. “Why don’t they let us break the barriers and join our brothers? Why do they say they will allow us the right to protest then stop us?,” said Kamal Ashour. from Tunis. “Are they afraid the government will really be shaken? It seems that Ben Ali’s regime is back.[6]” Instead of dispersing the protests, demonstrators instead broadened their criticism of the government to include the demand for the release of all political and religious prisoners, some 1500 people, jailed before and during the uprisings, with families of the incarcerated individuals protesting on the steps of the Justice ministry.

Soldiers, most of them unarmed,  in an effort to cool the confrontations used their bodies to form barriers between the police and protesters. “We like the soldiers, we know they are on our side, but we hate the police… We have not forgotten that they fired on us with real bullets, that they killed women and children,” said one young man carrying the picture of one of those killed next to a banner that read “We will not sell out the blood of the martyrs” and one professor of history and geography, Mohammed Sala Adouni declared “The revolution is above all the parties”[7].

Many in the crowd, including many women, claimed that their family members had been arrested for being to openly muslim, growing a beard or attending daily prayer services. “My brother is sentenced to 30 years of terrorism. Some are sentenced to death or to life. We want the government to free our sons as the anti-terror laws are oppressive and unjust,” said Asma Ksouri, wearing a long black coat and head scarf or Hijab, a symbol of the Islamic faith long banned under Ben Ali. “He was accused of being a Salafist Muslim. Because he went to dawn prayers, they said he wanted to fight in Afghanistan and Iraq but he was just a Muslim, a devout person”. Another woman, Fatiha Ben Amer had a similar story, whose brother Imad, a carpenter “…accused of terrorism. His father died so he began to pray and they stopped him outside the mosque and asked him for ID. He didn’t have it with him and the next time they cracked down on the mosque they took him”,  jailed since 2007. “They sentenced him first to death, but reduced it to life. He had been married only four months when he was arrested.[8]“

These protests became so significant that on January 24th in the occupied square, protestors were addressed by popular military general Rachid Ammar, whose words carried a tremendous weight since it was his refusal to allow the Tunisian military to open fire on demonstrators which finally tipped the scale against Ben Ali. He guaranteed that the army was there to “protect the revolution” but warned “Our revolution, your revolution, the revolution of the young, risks being lost … There are forces that are calling for a void, a power vacuum. The void brings terror, which brings dictatorship… please, let this government or another one work”.

Protesters also targeted the interior ministry, a symbol that for many represented the 23 years of fear and repression by the Ben Ali government which had still not been dismantled, “The regime’s tool was the Interior Ministry and no change has been made there,” said Ali Zeddine, deputy head of the Tunisian Human Rights Organization which had been strictly censured by the previous government. For him, change in Tunisia had to be systematic: “There are people in the dark who rigged elections, oversaw repression and apparatus such as the political police, the security police, and others. If there is no fundamental change then things could really back to how they were”. Sihem Bensedrine, a prominent activist who was harassed under Ben Ali’s rule fundamentally agreed “They are still recording us, they are still following us, the cyber police is still operating,” she said. “I have been followed. I have seen them.” These reports were backed up by a press release from the London based Amnesty International, “The security forces must be fundamentally overhauled. From now on, no member of the security apparatus should be above the law,” it said. “The authorities must publicly condemn torture and move swiftly to eradicate it.[9]“

The Kasbah is the Bastille of Tunisia

The symbolic meaning for many was clear. “The Kasbah is the Bastille of Tunisia, and we are going to bring it down,” said one a young demonstrator who had spent the night outside the office of the prime minister. In chants, they vowed to “continue to go all the way” with 31 year old Raja declaring “You cannot believe the solidarity of the people: we eat together, sleep together and will stay until this government resigns and leaves like Ben Ali”[7].

These sentiments were echoed across the country during the week with simultaneous protests growing as hundreds marched in the southern port city of Gabes and a massive general strike was called in S’fax, the country’s second largest city and economic center on Tuesday the 26^th by the regional Tunisian General Labor Union, demanding that the interim government resign. Under immense pressure, the following day the foreign minister, Kamel Morjane, resigned and Prime Minister Ghannouchi announced a reshuffle of the cabinet, dropping 12 ministers accused of ties with the previous ruling regime, but refused to himself step down.

While many were placated by the concessions, hundreds of demonstrators remained against a continuing curfew, pledging to stay until Ghannouchi himself resigned. In an effort to maintain his tenuous grip on power, the Prime Minister pledged for the first time to quit politics after free and transparent legislative and presidential elections were held “as soon as possible”, within 6 months, though no specific date was given. For many however, these promises rang hollow, and in a final effort to remove demonstrators tear gas and live ammunition were used to disperse crowds on the following day, as police moved into the square while the military looked on but did not interfere, tore down tents and removed bedding, and ended the week long protests of the first Kasbah sit in.

The Kasbah II – From Occupation to Revolution

Despite ending it’s physical presence, it was too late to stop what the first Kasbah occupation had begun. Already tremors of of shock had rippled through the ruling government, forcing the resignation of a dozen ministers connected the previous RCD ruling party, and had served as a blueprint for protests that would re-emerge only two weeks later, with as many as 15,000 citizens descending on Habib Bourgiba and the French embassy on February 15th, growing to 40,000 by the next weekend and beginning a new occupation of the Kasbah on February 20th, continuing their calls demanding the resignation of the interim government, widespread reform, the election of a constituent assembly, a new constitution, and the disbandment of the previous ruling party and still operational secret police forces.

As the massive protests continued that Saturday, there was little evidence of security forces along the traffic-choked avenue, though a barbed-wire fence remained around the Interior Ministry building with a detachment of soldiers, some on trucks with mounted machine guns. Further up the street, in front of the cities Christian Cathedral another 3,000 protesters gathered around the French embassy building, calling for the removal of the new French ambassador who had made offensive remarks in an earlier interview. 15 minutes walk through the Medina, several hundred demonstrators made their presence known in front of the Prime Minister’s office.

The new occupation was not organized by any one specific group, political party or organization. Instead, it was a decentralized movement led by high school and university students, families of victims, and thousands of concerned citizens. Mobilization and coordination occurred on Facebook, and to some extent twitter, with hundreds leafleting, spreading information by word of mouth and passing out flyers about their movement. Sympathetic protests sprang up across the country, in Gabes, Monastir and Ben Guerden on the 21st, and spreading to Sfax, Redeyef, Kairouan, Sousse and Djerba on the 22nd and 23rd putting increasing pressure on an already crumbling government.

While large, these protests only foreshadowed the next weekend, which eclipsed in sheer scale any previous manifestations in Tunisia, drawing roughly 40,000 people on Friday and Saturday the 25th and 26th of February during the daytime and swelling throughout the course of the weekend into 100,000 by that Sunday. The size and intensity of these events finally forced the resignation of Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi and led to the capitulation of the government to all protester demands, including disbanding the previous ruling party the Constitutional Democratic Rally, Ben Ali’s secret police forces and setting Tunisia on the path to become a true democratic state. Nearly 72 hours of demonstrations and running street battles with security forces also left five dead, dozens hospitalized and more than 100 arrested, including many youth who have been called the vanguard of the Revolution.

The sit in began on Friday, as Tunisian soldiers fired warning shots into the air to try and discourage protesters who burned tires and threw rocks in an attempt to block off streets surrounding the Kasbah plaza. Demonstrators dubbed it their “day of rage” after recent uprisings had shook Egypt, in and around Cairo and their own occupation in Tahrir Square. Some carried signs of the Prime Minister, with his face merging into that of Ben Ali, shouting “shame on the government”. 22 year old student Alia Soussi was clear in her indictment “The only demand we have is the end of this government… We hope Ghannouchi gets the message[10]“. Clashes intensified as protesters threw rocks through the windows of the Interior Ministry along Habib Bourgiba and destroyed parked cars affiliated with the government outside.

With two military helicopters circling overhead, protesters continued to target the center of political, economic and cultural power over the course of the weekend to make their point heard, transforming the Kasbah, a public space long dominated by fear of the government of Ben Ali, through art, discourse, song, music and with mattresses lining the nearby walls, their physical presence. Volunteer organizers, unaffiliated with any specific organization wandered through the crowd in “No U-Turn” T-shirts while the Kasbah’s security committee attempted to record the names and homes of the many hundreds of occupiers, handing out food and clothing [1]. Again, chants of ‘Degage’ were heard with other slogans such as “We don’t want the friends of Ben Ali![11]” as students, lawyers, unemployed workers, Islamist and families mingled in the square and sang the Tunisian national anthem, waving thousands of red and white emblazoned flags under the clear blue sky.

Finally that Sunday as sporadic clashes between small groups of protesters and police continued in the surrounding alleyways of the Kasbah, where more than 100,000 people gathered during the day, occupiers began to quiet as the Prime Minister’s voice came on the radio: “There is the sit-in at the Kasbah—you are all familiar with that sit-in”. Ghannouchi continued “I have stressed that we do not have a magic wand to change twenty-three years of accumulated problems in a matter of weeks…. Security must be restored”. That path was made clear minutes later when he declared “I have decided to resign… My resignation will provide a better atmosphere for the new era,” adding that he wanted to prevent more deaths, responding to the many killed, wounded or arrested. “I am not the kind of person to take decisions that may result in more victims and shedding of blood”[1].

Euphoric jubilation broke out throughout the Kasbah and elsewhere in Tunis as news of Mohamed Ghannouchis resignation spread. Many protesters were, delighted with their victory returned home, but others were unconvinced. One man, Fakhreddine Madini was quick to say “We still have our demands. They are not fulfilled. We will continue our sit-in until we have a constituent assembly”, stating that this process “will get us out from this current situation. We have to stop working with the old constitution, because it was made by a dictator.[1]”

The occupation of the Kasbah continued through the evening of Thursday, March 3rd, when protesters again gathered around radios, or the televisions of nearby cafes to listen to a speech had been hastily scheduled on national television. President Mebazaa appeared before the nation in a black business suit surrounded by the Tunisian coat of arms and the national flag to announce that his government would capitulate to all the demands of the protest movement. There would be no Presidential election, instead the government would oversee the free election of a transitional “national constituent assembly”  on July 24th to rewrite Tunisia’s constitution to act as “a mirror that truly reflects the people’s ambitions”. He concluded “We announce the beginning of a new era based upon the full rule of the people over a new political system that definitively breaks with the old regime. God help us to fulfill what is good for our dear country—and peace be upon you.[1]”

A Symbolic Revolution: The City is Political

Throughout the entirety of these protests, avenue Habib Bourgiba, the Medina and Kasbah played an intrinsic role. Together, these three areas make up a symbolic part of a city where virtually every governmental, media, international agency or organization is located. Over the course of the Tunisian Revolution, the interior ministry building along Bourgiba and the Kasbah, like the Bastille during the French revolution had become a symbol of the revolution as well as freedom, democracy and dignity.

In this sense a city is political, a collective history or a cultural memory shaped by untold narratives and individuals that participated in events that continue to define the present. Discourses of power and society can be explored through the construction of urban environment and the intended interaction with the architecture built. In Tunisia, where Arab and French colonialism heavily influenced the built environment, followed by dictatorships that brutally suppressed dissent, ideas of democracy and freedom can be explored through the streets, parks, squares and gathering places that define a societies interaction with the public and social sphere.

Within this framework, in the vacuum of Ben Ali’s authoritarian regime that dominated many aspects of everyday life, traditional spaces of control and resistance were redefined to create new methods of interaction reflecting the symbolic and iconic importance of the revolution and incorporating the ideals of emerging political formation – democracy, dignity, expression, choice. Occupying a physical space allows for sentiments to voiced, creating a focal point for protests and sentiments of change. This sentiment was summarized on the blog of Kian Goh, a professor of urban design and planning when talking about the effect that these social movements have had:

“While the current North African and Middle East uprisings may have been ignited and fanned (figuratively and digitally) on Facebook and Twitter, the revolution itself took form, amassed power, and finally achieved its goals, far outside digital social networks. It happened, as it has before, in public urban space – on the streets and in the squares. There is of course a resounding irony in this: large public squares connected by wide straight avenues have long functioned as organizers of power, showcases of state or imperial might… But squares and streets are clearly also spaces and symbols of resistance… From Wenceslas to Tiananmen, squares have also been where the people attempt to wrest their collective ownerships of public space… The events in Tunisia and Egypt – vividly illuminated by countless stories of multigenerational, multi-gender, collective struggle, calls for not only democracy but freedom and justice…”

Sources:

I still haven’t figured out a good way to source material on this blog. When I have the time I will go through and source quotations and descriptive material to their respective owners and authors. Until then, please forgive me.

1. Probably the best English article I was able to find on the Kasbah Occupations was an article by Steve Coll published in the New Yorker entitled the Casbah Coalition from April earlier this year. The narrative description makes for a great read.
2. Shooting probe pledged as protests target Tunisia PM – by Andrew Hammond and Lin Noueihed
3. Thousands of Tunisian police and security forces protest
4. Rural poor rally in Tunis, Seeking Change – by Lin Noueihed and Andrew Hammond
5. Rural protesters tell tale of the other Tunisia – by Lin Noueihed
6. Police fire teargas at Tunis protesters – by Lin Noueihed and Andrew Hammond
7. Protesters vow to bring down Tunisia’s ‘Bastille’
8. Tunisian families demand release of men still held – by Lin Noueihed
9. Tunisia’s police state still in place – activists – by Andrew Hammond
10. Tunisian “day of rage” takes aim at premier – by Tarek Amara
11. Tunisia forces fire in air but fail to end rally – by Tarek Amara